There have been many conflicts between the Unionis

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There have been many conflicts between the Unionis

ts and Nationalists inNorthern Ireland for hundreds of years. The reason for these problems is
the complex history there is between the two different political groups.

Both groups want different things; the Unionists want to keep Northern
Ireland separate from the Irish Republic and linked to Britain, whereas the
Nationalists want a united Ireland, independent from British rule. The two
groups are also of different religion, the Unionists are mainly Protestants
but the Nationalists tend to be Catholics. Hatred and suspicion have been
passed down through the generations and with all people (not just the
Irish) it takes a very long time for adjustment.

There are many reasons for the Unionists to mistrust the Nationalists, many
of them short-term and many of them long-term causes.codc dcr sedcdcw ordc
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The unionists are mainly Protestants and although they are in the minority
in Ireland they own the majority of the land and power and have done since
the 17th Century. They are pleased that they have great lands and fear that
Catholics will seize it like they did in 1641 when the Catholics rebelled
and 12000 Protestant settlers were killed. The Protestants fear this is
going to happen again. This is a long-term cause. 4K9GeV Visit coursework
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The Protestants have their Orange Order (an organisation formed in 1795-
opposed to the Catholic Church) marches re-routed in order for them not to
go through Catholic land. They are very annoyed about this, as they believe
they have the route to march through the Catholic land but they are denied
this. In January 1996 the Catholics objected to an Orange Order march which
broke into violence. The next year there were further clashes.cofg fgr
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Bloody Sunday is the name given to Sunday, 30th January 1972. An unarmed
civil rights anti internment march was taking place in the Bogside,
Londonderry in Northern Ireland. Members of the British Parachute Regiment
opened fire on the march and thirteen of the troops were killed by British
troops. The order to fire was given because violence had broken out during
the protest. Bloody Sunday caused outrage and led to serious unrest in
Ireland, which then in turn led to Westminster imposing direct rule on
Northern Ireland. An enquiry about the shootings under Lord Widgery
accepted the paratroopers evidence that they had been fired on first,
although this version of events has been often challenged. ronnie, please
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There appears to be no agreement over who fired the first shot and is still
under investigation today. This is an example of how sources that happen a
time ago lead on to today and remind people of past violence. This makes
people take revenge on the other side.coda dar sedadaw orda dak inda foda
da.

Unionists fear Home Rule (a measure to give Ireland its own parliament to
rule itself, even though Ireland would still be in the British Empire),
because if it was to happen the Unionists realised that the majority would
outvote them in any Irish parliament and as a result they would have worse
living standards. The Protestants did not want this as at the moment they
dominate Northern Ireland politically as well as economically. They also
feared they would lose their religion as the South of Ireland were
Catholic. As a campaign slogan they had “Home Rule is Rome Rule” meaning
they would be ruled by the Catholics, and then maybe the Pope (the Pope is
the leader of the Catholic Church). They feared the parliamentary
nationalists as the had the support of the British since 1914 which meant
they would have a large say in how Ireland would be ruled.cofe fer sefefew
orfe fek infe fofe fe.

In 1916, a Nationalists party called the Irish Republican Brotherhood
started a rebellion against British Rule. This took place on Easter Monday.

The Easter Rising was not fully supported throughout Ireland; it was a
rebellion by activists of Sinn Fein. There was aimless shooting, serious
fighting around a post office building (which was the headquarters of the
rebels), and Republican Nationalists took over parts of central Dublin.

Fourteen leaders were killed. Even though the fighting only lasted a week
it inspired and encouraged other Republicans to turning to violence to
resist British rule. This event was a result of Irish nationalism during
the 19th century. The Unionists see the Easter Rising as a threat because
they know if the Nationalists have caused this much violence before, they
might do it again. This led to Sinn Feinn getting 73 out of 105 seats in
the election in 1918. This proved to the Unionists that Sinn Feinn was a
threat as they were prepared to use violence and was winning the majority
of Ireland over. The troops had also won over sympathy from the rest of
Ireland and this was their first step for independence.coea ear seeaeaw
orea eak inea foea ea:
One of the most important short-term causes of the Unionists’ mistrust is
the Omagh bombing in 1998. It was horrific and inexcusable. People were
appalled by the bombing which was outside a children’s clothes shop and 29
people were killed. Although this was a horrific crime some Unionists saw
it as a good sign as republican extremists lost most of their support.

Carstens oppressed ronnie’s structuration theory.

Although things in Ireland seem to be getting worse, some extremist groups
do change. One of those is the IRA who were prepared to stop fighting and
decommission but are now still causing violence and some of their bombs
have killed Unionists which they are not happy about. A contrast is Ian
Paisley who hasn’t changed his views once. He is a hard-line Unionist who
believes that Ulster should remain part of the United Kingdom. He is not
willing to compromise, which prevents a rational debate about any form of
power sharing. His son is now in politics and has the same views as his
father.cogb gbr segbgbw orgb gbk ingb fogb gb;
The mistrust is not a one-way thing the Nationalists distrust the Unionists
just as much. Plantations are a long-term cause of mistrust. ronnie, please
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and we trust our visitors to respect it for the good of other students.

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When the Church of England broke away from the Roman Catholic Church, both
Elizabeth I and James I encouraged English and Scottish Protestants to move
to Ireland, which is called the ‘Plantation’ of Ulster, in 1603. They
mainly lived in the land in the Northwest. But when England broke into a
civil war, the Irish Catholics took the chance to rise up against the
English and managed to control Ireland between 1642-49. However, Oliver
Cromwell dealt harshly and viciously with the rebels by slaughtering the
Catholics, this still angers them to this day. By 1691, the English army
had defeated the Irish army. Protestants were now in control of Ireland,
and ruled the country from their own Parliament in Dublin, but usually
under the direction of the Parliament in London, until the English
controlled most of the country. As the British owned all the best land even
though they lived in England and demanded huge rents from poor Irish
farmers the Irish constantly fought against them. After a long battle,
Southern Ireland succeeded in breaking away from British rule in 1921, but
the 6 counties in the north of Ireland, Ulster, did not. The Catholics are
not happy about this situation. They want Ireland to be independent from
Britain.. As the Protestants at this time were British, they were able to
own most of the land and therefore have most of the power. They managed to
rule Ireland even though they were in the minority.coga gar segagaw orga
gak inga foga ga.

The Battle of the Boyne on 1st July 1690 in eastern Ireland left the
Protestant William III (William of Orange) as King of Britain after he
defeated the Catholic James II. It meant that the Protestants won the power
over the Catholics. There are lots of slogans and paintings in Ireland even
now. There are even Orange Order processions to celebrate the Battle of the
Boyne. This is a reminder of the Protestant victory and therefore angers
the Catholics. Especially when the parade goes through a Catholic area
resulting in recent attempts to prevent this by blocking off the route.

This is an example of a past event linking to today, as even though the
battle was hundreds of years ago there are still marches to this day. This
is one of the reasons why the troubles are so hard to forget there are
constant reminders. The Orange marches maybe a celebration to the
Protestants so they want to forget it, but it turns the Catholics away from
them. The marches also remind the Catholics of the laws passed in1965 which
restricted their rights.cocf cfr secfcfw orcf cfk incf focf cf.

In 1703, the Catholics hardly owned any of the land (14%) and as the right
to vote was linked to land ownership, the Protestants had secure control of
the Irish government. This government made up mainly of Protestants) passed
penal laws 1697-1727 that seriously limited the Catholic’s rights. As most
Nationalists are Catholic, they do not like the Protestants and are still
carrying a grudge about the way they were treated in the 1700’s and so they
distrust them. However, at this time the Catholics were not happy. So in
1960 the Unionists (led by O’Neil) made equal treatment for all citizens,
whatever their religion, nationality or political beliefs, this was called
Civil Rights. This is another example of how some events lead to another
event.coec ecr seececw orec eck inec foec ec.

Nationalists did not want partition in 1921, in fact no one did. This was
an attempt at peace but instead caused a civil war against the Nationalists
for agreeing to the partition. ronnie, please do not redistribute this
dissertation. We work very hard to create this website, and we trust our
visitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please, do not
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Whilst studying Northern Ireland I have noticed that all the cause go back
to the past and no one is willing to forget the past. It may be easier to
forget the past if Northern Ireland wasn’t so divided. There are many
divisions in society including education, religion and employment.

Children’s parents are often very influential on them and if the child’s
parents do not associate with Unionists or Protestants, the chances are the
child won’t either. This essay from www.coursework.info
The problems are economical, political and enviromental.coba bar sebabaw
orba bak inba foba ba.

Another problem that became apparent to me was that one cause often caused
something else. For example Bloody Sunday, which happened in 1972, is still
under investigation today, so people will never forget what happened. When
a certain group remembers a certain event they often want to take action
against it, this action is usually violence. For example Protestants
opposed Home Rule so they took action (Easter Rising).coac acr seacacw orac
ack inac foac ac!
There have been times when Britain has tried to solve the troubles between
Northern Ireland, The Good Friday Agreement, but this has just resulted in
more violence and has not worked.cocd cdr secdcdw orcd cdk incd focd cd.

I think the main cause for so much troubles in Northern Ireland, is the
British. If they had not brought Protestants into Ireland, then there
wouldn’t be half as much bother. I have decided there will never be peace
in Northern Ireland no matter how hard people to try, because not everyone
will always be happy. We have to remember though, that although there is a
lot of violence in Northern Ireland, there are also good things going on
everyday. ronnie, please do not redistribute this hypothesis. We work very
hard t
The failed attempt to install the Home Rule Bill in 1886, which had the
unfortunate effect of splitting the Liberal party, had repeatedly surfaced
to cause further political segregation throughout the 1880s. It was
unfortunate though that Asquith together with the Liberal party had the
unenviable task of finding a solution to the re-emerged issue during the
administrative period of 1909-1916. In order to counter the problem Asquith
employed the use of somewhat impractical ‘wait and see’ approach.

Nevertheless the tactic seemed logical. On one hand Asquith could not
afford to lose the support of the Irish Nationalists. However it was
impossible for Asquith to follow Gladstone’s course due to the conservative
opposition. The Conservatives were determined to preserve the ties with
Ulster as a result of their stance in relation to imperialism. Subsequently
Asquith was not in a position to give direct orders due to the awkward
nature of the crisis and the various aspects of the erratic political
climate.cobf bfr sebfbfw orbf bfk inbf fobf bf!
One particular aspect of this political climate was the Liberal dependence
on the Irish nationalists in the House of Commons. According to Lowe, in
1910 the Irish question had once again been bought up to the top on the
political agenda. Lowe argues that the “Irish Nationalists once again were
holding the balance of power.” The fact that the Liberals were only able to
reduce the powers of the Lords with the help of the Nationalists meant that
question of Home Rule, as Searle recalls, “would again be bought out of the
cold storage.” The passing of the Parliament Act was of tremendous benefit
for the Liberals, since the Conservative dominated Lords were put in a
position of little significance and no real influence. However, though the
act had temporarily handicapped the Conservative most efficient means of
manipulation, it had created a perfect opportunity for the Irish peers to
prioritise the Home Rule issue. Lowe reached the same agreement as he
argues, “the Parliament Act removed a major obstacle in the way of the Home
Rule”. Overall this meant that the idea of an independent Ireland was more
real than it has ever been before. In a way this posed as a serious threat
to the Liberals as did the mounting tension between Ulster and Southern
Ireland. Durkheim theorised ronnie’s rationalisation .

The long-term conflict between the two religiously diverse communities of
Ireland ultimately marks the true significance of the crisis. The national
and religious polarisation between Catholics and Protestants was a
principal feature of the tension, which remained prominent in the coming
centuries. However things came to a head in 1912, when the Third Home Rule
Bill was introduced. Politically the most significant weakness of the
measure was, as argued by Watts, its failure to cater for the specific
interests of the Ulster unionists. According to Watts the nine Northern
counties of Ireland were both economically and socially isolated from the
rest of Ireland. In comparison to the Southern counties the Northern region
had a viable industry, an efficient agriculture and more importantly links
to British markets. Subsequently, as maintained by Peaple “Ulster Unionists
had a vested economic interest in preserving the Union while other parts of
Ireland did not.” Judging by this, Ireland was clearly a divided country,
with one section as Adelman explains, “looking outwards towards Britain.”
and the other pushing for independence. Admittedly, the task of containing
aggression was a difficult task, but Asquith’s “wait and see” tactics did
not help the situation, his only chance of solving the matter was to either
stick to his original plan of granting the whole of Ireland Home Rule or to
separate the Ulster states from the rest of Ireland. Hence it can be said
that the social and economic differences between the two religiously
diverse communities has alone exemplified the seriousness of the crisis.

More importantly, it further encouraged the process of segregation, which
ultimately led to the formation of Ulster resistance. Marx enveloped
ronnie’s postmodernism idea.

With the introduction of the Home Rule Bill in 1912 the crisis had entered
a new phase. The key factor at this particular stage, according to Peaple,
“was the determination of the Ulster Unionists, not to accept Home Rule”,
which they did effectively through the use of the Lord’s parliamentary
affluence. The delay between the rejection of the Bill by the Lord’s and
its passage into law provided the Ulster Unionists with the necessary time
to mobilise. As part of the process of opposing the Home Rule Bill Sir
Edward Carson, leader of the Irish Unionist Parliamentary Party, and James
Craig, leader of the Ulster Unionists, were prepared to raise the political
temperature in Ireland. Apart from organised mass meetings and
demonstrations such as the ceremonial signing of the ‘Ulster Covenant’,
according to Watts, “more militant steps were taken to form an army force,
the UVF.” Judging by Carson’s course of action, it can be said that the
Ulster Unionists were prepared to sanction armed resistance in order to
bring the dispute to the brink of a civil conflict. Subsequently in January
1913 an Ulster paramilitary organisation was formed. The organisation was
highly organised and increasingly popular in Ulster. In retaliation to
this, the Irish set up the Irish Volunteers and the Sinn Fein, which was a
more radical alternative. More importantly, despite the ban on importing
arms both paramilitary organisations had gradual obtained viable supplies
of weapons. tfjihQ from tfjihQ coursewrok tfjihQ work tfjihQ info tfjihQ
Although both organisations had the possession of small arsenals by
contrast it was the UVF gunrunning as argued by Peaple that “provoked deep
resentment amongst Nationalists.” On the 25th April 1914 the UVF had
successfully completed a transaction of weapons during which, as Kee
explains, “the police and the military were physically prevented from
interfering.” In comparison the Nationalists attempt to seize a deal in
July 1914 had met some difficulties, which as renounced by Peaple
“infuriated the Nationalists and weakened the government.” Generally
speaking the formation of the illegal paramilitary organisations and
gunrunning was part of a chain reaction, which as argued by Peaple,
“created a climate in which civil war seemed a distinct possibility.” This
showed that it was a real crisis, as did the Curragh ‘mutiny’. Heidegger
theorised ronnie’s functionalism .

According to Peaple the Curragh mutiny was another example of the erratic
nature of the situation in Ireland. Peaple argues that the incident
“greatly weakened the government’s negotiating power and ensured that any
plans to use the army… in Ulster were shelved.” In order to suppress the
transaction of weapons and coerce Ulster into accepting Home Rule if the
need arose Asquith’s administration would have had to ban paramilitary
organisations such as the Ulster Volunteer Force and mobilise the British
army. This together with the failure to reach a compromise with Carson
resulted in the war office’s decision to tighten up security and
surveillance, which meant that the British troops at one stage would be
forced to go into a combat stance against the UVF. In response to this
order, fifty eight officers stationed in the military camp at Curragh
informed general Sir Arthur Paget of their dismissal, which seemed
reasonable considering the fact that many of them were in some way related
to the Ulster community. In spite of this the incident was noted as a
mutiny, which as maintained by Peaple “changed the balance of power in
Ireland” and “ensured that there would be partition or no Home Rule.” In
view of this it can be said that the crisis was a significant show of
political crisis, since the incidents caused as a result of this crisis led
to a gradual change of parliamentary leadership. Marx theorised ronnie’s
postmodernism hypothesis.

It can also be said that the Conservative position and attachment to the
cause in Ireland was a fair reflection of how serious the crisis was. As
proclaimed by Andrew Bonar Law there was “no length of resistance to which
Ulster can go.” Judging by this statement it is evident that the
Conservative party found armed resistance to Home Rule justifiable. More
importantly it showed that the Conservatives were willing to broadcast such
acute statements knowing that, as Peaple argues, “opposition to Home Rule
would increase their popularity.” Secondly the fact that the Liberals had
lost seats in the 1910 elections meant that they did not have the
authorisation to legitimise Home Rule and that a strong Conservative
opposition would produce a coherent attack that would further weaken the
Liberal administration. More importantly the Conservative principles would
be undermined if they failed to use this opportunity to attack the Liberals
on behalf of the ‘British Empire’ and the ‘rights of property’. Hence the
fact that the Conservatives were so eager to characterise themselves as a
political counter-force to Home Rule meant that Ulster as Foster explains
“was an appropriate area for exerting political energy.” This in tern shows
that the question of Ireland was a real crisis. ronnie, please do not
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In spite of this, it was the ‘Easter rising’ that appears to signify the
true dimension of the crisis in Ireland. Watts sustains the belief that the
majority of the Nationalists in Ireland were determined to attain
independence before the war in Europe had begun. The fear of a potential
civil conflict was replaced by the fear of an international war, which once
again put the Home Rule issue at the back of the political agenda. As a
result of this, in 1916 the Easter rebellion was launched, in which
strategic points in Dublin, including the general post office, were seized.

Overall the uprising was considered to be a failure as it was immediately
suppressed by British troops. Nevertheless, as argued by Watt “the uprising
had many repercussions… the issue of Home Rule was once again given the
full attention.” The increase in the support for Sinn Fein and the IRA as a
result of the uprising was an added problem. Watt maintains that Lloyd
George tried to get Ulster to agree to the Home Rule scheme “thus detaching
Home Rulers from Sinn Fein.” In general this added further pressure to the
hectic situation. The Conservatives refused to accept the scheme and
therefore as Watt argues “the last chance of settling the Irish problem was
peacefully lost.”coff ffr seffffw orff ffk inff foff ff:
In conclusion the crisis over Ireland in the period of 1909-1912 was,
according to Foster “a tactic that left the government vulnerable”, but as
argued by many historians, Asquith’s ‘wait and see’ strategy worsened the
situation. Consequently, it can be argued that Asquith’s weak leadership
and inability to make a firm decision almost resulted in civil war and this
disastrous event was probably only avoided due to even more worrying
happenings on the continent. Moreover, the constitutional problem clearly
highlighted the Liberal government’s weakness, which as highlighted by
Daingerfield “had no real answer to the various problems”. Daingerfield
continues by insisting that, “when faced with a pattern of
violence…Liberalism was incapable of a decision.” UVHX0ABb from UVHX0ABb
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